POSITIONS ON ISSUES
SEX OFFENDERS
2004 SEX OFFENDER REPORT (Bureau of Justice Statistics)
U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice
Programs
Recidivism of Sex Offenders
Released from Prison in 1994
Offender characteristics, Sentences and criminal records, Comparisons
to other offenders, Rearrests and reconvictions, Rearrests for sex
crimes against children
JOHN HOWARD SOCIETY OF ALBERTA, 2002
Research & Publications:
http://www.johnhoward.ab.ca/res-pub.htm#soc
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Although the number of convicted sex offenders grew from 2,768 in
1990 to 3,875 in 1995, the rate of reported sexual offences generally
declined in recent years. In 1997, the rate of reported sexual
offences was 101 per 100,000 people, a massive decline from a high of
135 per 100,000 people in 1993. Furthermore, there is an increasing
amount of research that supports the idea that sex offenders can be
treated successfully to allow them to lead crime free lives upon
release. For example, one recent meta-analysis found that, across
several studies, 19% of treated sex offenders and 27% of untreated sex
offenders sexually recidivated. Given research such as this and the
experience of the John Howard Society in working with sex offenders,
the rest of this paper rests on the presumption that sex offenders are
treatable and treatment programs do work. The question is: How can sex
offenders be treated most effectively?
Overall, research has found that sexual
recidivism for all sex offenders is quite low, with rates of only 10%
to 15% five years after release. Also, research has found that sex
offenders can be categorized into three groups that have different
recidivism rates and, thereby, require different treatments. These
groups are incest child molesters who victimize related children,
rapists who victimize adult women and non-incest child molesters who
victimize unrelated children.
Incest child molesters were found to sexually
recidivate at the lowest rate at 8.4%. Since this rate was so low, it
has traditionally been believed that, comparatively, incest child
molesters require minimally intrusive forms of therapy. An example of
such a minimally intrusive program is the Violence Interdite Sur
Autrui (VISA) Program delivered by the Correctional Service of Canada,
that encourages incest child molesters to take six steps that reduce
recidivism. The 14 week program consists of 28 psychotherapy group
meetings, 13 sex education work shops and 10 individual interviews.
VISA has shown great success in reducing recidivism and, as of 1996,
only two of over 130 of its participants were reconvicted for a
further sexual offence.
However, recent research has challenged
traditional thinking about incest child molesters, by taking into
account offenders' self reported sex offences that did not result in a
conviction. It turns out that many offenders labeled first time incest
child molesters, actually had prior incestuous and/or non-incestuous
victims, and the offences performed on those victims never resulted in
a conviction. When these sex offences are considered, sexual
recidivism rates jumped up to 22% for the incest child molesters, a
rate nearly three times the original rate of 8.4% that has been found.
Furthermore, the fact that some offenders
labeled incest child molesters actually had non-incestuous victims and
the offences performed on those victims did not result in conviction
brings into question the practice of categorizing sex offenders
according to their first convictions. This practice is brought further
into question when erotic preferences are examined. In a study that
attempted to find a difference in the erotic preferences of incest and
non-incest child molesters, a majority of offenders were
indistinguishable as either type of offender according to their erotic
preference.
Next to the incest child molesters, rapists
were second most likely to sexually recidivate at a rate of 17.1%.
What is interesting is that most research has found that rapists are a
distinct group of offenders who are distinguishable from child
molesters. In particular, rapists tend to be younger than child
molesters, having average ages of 32 and 38, respectively, in one
study. Also, rapists are more likely to recidivate non-sexually than
are child molesters. In terms of treatment, research suggests that
adequate treatment would need to address general crime issues as well
as sexual crime issues, to ensure that rapists do not reoffend.
Additionally, Cognitive Skills Training and behavioral conditioning
that reduces deviant sexual behavior are two treatment methods for
rapists that are supported by the research.
Of the three groups of sexual offenders
outlined above, non-incest child molesters were found to sexually
recidivate at the highest rate at 19.5%. Moreover, long term follow up
of these offenders has shown that they are at risk of reoffending
throughout their lives. One long term follow up study found that 42%
of the total sample was reconvicted for a sexual and/or violent
offence, and 10% of the total sample was reconvicted between 10 and 31
years after release. Among the non-incest child molesters, the highest
rate of recidivism was found for offenders who had prior sexual
offence convictions, victimized boys and were never married.
Academic research suggests that long term,
intensive treatment is essential for the treatment of non-incest child
molesters. Again, behavioral conditioning and Cognitive Skills
Training are suggested by much of the research, to be incorporated in
treatment because of their proven success in treating all types of sex
offenders. Finally, relapse prevention and long term follow up are
recommended to be part of any sex offender treatment program, because
of their ability to enhance sex offender treatment efforts.
Examples of the practical application of sex
offender treatment can be observed by examining two local sex offender
treatment programs operating in Alberta. First, the Phoenix Program
provides treatment for adult male sex offenders through an intensive
32-35 hours per week of therapy. Major forms of treatment include:
psychotherapy, victim empathy, cognitive restructuring, anger
management, relapse prevention, life planning, goal attainment and
more. The Phoenix Program staff believe that successful results are
produced from an interaction of the program environment, staff,
individual offender issues and the entire range of treatments offered
by the program. This comprehensive approach takes into consideration a
wide array of issues pertaining to sex offender treatment, and has
proven to be very successful with low recidivism rates for offenders
treated by the program.
A similar local program that operates under
the same comprehensive approach as the Phoenix Program is an
adolescent sex offender program called Counterpoint House. Although
the majority of the Counterpoint House participants' day is occupied
by school, work, chores and other activities, Counterpoint House does
manage to provide a multitude of therapy programs. Essentially,
therapy offered at Counterpoint House is divided into three main
groups: a cognitive/behavioral group, a psychotherapy group and a
skills therapy group.
The cognitive/behavioral group focuses on
dealing with offence patterns, and is based on the premise that sexual
offending behavior is fantasy driven. Offenders are required to keep a
fantasy log that details the amount and content of their sexual
fantasies, so that deviant fantasies can be identified and dealt with
appropriately. The psychotherapy group is based on the assumption that
sex offenders lead secretive lives, and are often the victims of
sexual abuse themselves. The theme of this spontaneous, non-agenda
driven group is "getting the secrets out," and offenders are
encouraged to discuss their sexual offending issues openly. Finally,
the skills therapy group is separated into three eight week sessions
that provide sex education, relapse prevention and anger management
therapy for participants.
There are several steps that can be taken to
improve the success of sex offender treatment programs, such as proper
categorization of sex offenders and specialized treatment programs for
each category. What remains clear is that sex offender treatment does
work, and can be carried out successfully. Therefore, the John Howard
Society of Alberta believes that such treatment programs should be
offered routinely, as an effective, just and humane response to the
causes and consequences of crime.
INTRODUCTION
Over the years, public fear of sex offenders has led to serious
misconceptions regarding sex offender treatment. The atrocious acts
carried out by some sex offenders are very hard for the public to
understand, and present society with complex challenges. Society often
finds it easier to turn a blind eye to the crime, lock up the offender
and throw away the key than attempt to address the challenge
appropriately. This lack of public understanding toward sex offenders
has created the myth that sex offenders cannot be treated, and
therefore should never be returned to the community. This paper is
intended to dispel the myth of the untreatable sex offender, and
provide conclusive evidence that sex offender treatment is not only
possible but to a large extent is successful in reducing the
recidivism of sex offenders. First, the sex offender population in
Canada must be examined so that we know what we are dealing with.
SEX OFFENDERS
In 1995, Correctional Service of Canada examined its sex offender
population and found some interesting results (Motiuk & Belcourt,
1996). Virtually all federally sentenced sex offenders were male
(99.7%), and a majority were Caucasian (74.8%). The average age of a
sex offender upon admission to a federal corrections facility was age
38, with the oldest sex offender being age 83, and the youngest being
age 15. However, a more disturbing finding was that the sex offender
population was growing at that time. Between 1990 and 1995, the
federal sex offender population grew 40% from 2,768 offenders to
3,875.
Although the number of convicted sex offenders
was growing at that time, the rate of reported sexual offences has
been declining since 1993 (Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics (CCJS),
1999). The CCJS has recognized that, since reformed sexual assault
legislation was introduced in 1983, there had been a steady increase
in the rate of reported sexual offences, until 1993 when the rate
peaked at 135 incidents per 100,000 people. Then, from 1993 to 1996,
there was a steady decline in the rate of reported sexual offences.
Finally, in 1997 (the last year of the study that CCJS examined the
rate of reported sexual offences), the rate was 101 incidents per
100,000 people, a rate that had remained relatively unchanged from
1996. Also, between 1996 and 1997, Alberta's rate of reported sexual
offences declined (CCJS, 1999), and it had the fourth lowest rate of
reported sexual offences in Canada, at 117 per 100,000 people. The
three lowest rates of reported sexual offences in Canada belonged to
Quebec (58 per 100,000), Ontario (89 per 100,000) and Prince Edward
Island (113 per 100,000). The three highest rates were found in the
North West Territories (947 per 100,000), the Yukon Territory (421 per
100,000) and Saskatchewan (183 per 100,000).
In 1997, the Prairie Region had the highest
proportion of sex offenders in its federal correctional facilities
compared to any other region in Canada. The Prairie Region held 29% of
all federally sentenced sex offenders, while the Ontario Region
incarcerated 25.9%, the Quebec Region incarcerated 17.8%, the Pacific
Region incarcerated 15.1% and the Atlantic Region incarcerated 11.6%.
SEX OFFENDER TREATMENT
Although many community members believe that sex offenders cannot be
treated, an increasing amount of support has been collected that
attests to the success that can be achieved by treating sex offenders.
In fact, Correctional Service of Canada has continually been
implementing more sex offender treatment programs since it began
offering sex offender treatment in 1973. Capacity for sex offender
treatment increased from 200 in 1987 to over 1700 in 1995 (Blanchette,
1996). In addition, Correctional Service of Canada has recently
"expanded and refined its programs for sexual offenders so that it now
funds numerous institutional programs" (Marshall, 2000). The massive
implementation of sex offender treatment programs by Correctional
Service of Canada has put Canada at the forefront of research and
knowledge about sex offender treatment, and many of the Canadian sex
offender treatment programs illustrate promising results. Therefore,
many offenders are able to receive adequate treatment that allows them
to lead crime free lives upon release.
The success of sex offender treatment is
evident when recidivism rates among treated sex offenders are compared
to untreated sex offenders. For example, in one meta-analysis of
treatment studies, Hall (1995) found that across several studies,
treated offenders sexually recidivated at a rate of 19%, whereas
untreated offenders sexually recidivated at a rate of 27% (as cited in
Blanchette, 1996). This suggests that, overall, the treatment provided
was able to produce an 8% reduction in the recurrence of sexual
recidivism for treated sex offenders. This is a very promising result
when it is considered that sex offenders often victimize more than one
person, and there are usually multiple victims before an offender is
caught. Therefore, even a small reduction in recidivism for sex
offenders translates into a large reduction in the amount of sexual
offences that occur (Blanchette, 1996). Given research such as this
and the experience of the John Howard Society in working with sex
offenders, the rest of this paper rests on the presumption that sex
offenders are treatable and treatment programs do work. Therefore, it
is important to determine what specific kinds of treatment methods
work best for which sex offenders, so that they may all be treated
effectively.
In order to lay the foundation for an
examination of sex offender treatment, it is essential to review the
academic research that has recently emerged about sex offender
treatment. In most research studies, the term "sex offender"
encompasses a wide range of offenders who have different treatment
needs and different recidivism rates. The two most common types of sex
offenders referred to in the research are child molesters who mainly
victimize children, and rapists who mainly victimize adult women. Both
sex offender types can be further sub-divided based on their
relationship to the victim, as either incest offenders (familial
relation) or non-incest offenders (not familial relation). Overall,
research has shown that sexual recidivism for all sex offenders is
quite low, with rates of only 10% to 15% five years after release
(Hanson & Bussiere, 1998). However, researchers have found that
different groups of sex offenders recidivate at varying rates.
One study using data from 10 follow up studies
of adult male sex offenders (a combined sample of 4,673 offenders)
divided sex offenders into three separate groups that are believed to
be distinctly different from each other and, thus, require different
treatments (Hanson, 2001). These three groups consisted of incest
child molesters who victimize related children, rapists who victimize
adult women, and non-incest child molesters who victimize unrelated
children.
Incest Child Molesters
Of the three groups, incest child molesters were the least likely
to sexually recidivate, at a rate of 8.4% (Hanson, 2001). This finding
carries with it many important implications for treatment. Since the
rate is relatively low, it has traditionally been believed that the
best form of treatment for incest child molesters is a minimally
intrusive form of therapy that reduces sexual recidivism.
One program currently offered by Correctional
Service of Canada does exactly that. The Violence Interdite Sur Autrui
(VISA) program is meant to treat incestuous fathers who are at low
risk for sexual reoffending. VISA emphasizes developing empathy for
the victim and preventing recidivism by encouraging participants to
complete six initiatives that have been proven to reduce recidivism
for this type of offender:
-
Offenders work to overcome fear and shame so
that they can acknowledge what they have done
-
Offenders take full responsibility for the
abuse, both in front of the people involved in the offence and the
therapy group in which the offender is treated
-
Offenders come to terms with the damage done
to their victims, their families and themselves
-
Offenders take steps to amend and establish
healthy relationships with their victims and those close to them
-
Offenders learn about incestuous sexual
offending so that they can look critically at their sexual conduct,
and eventually lead sexually responsible lives
-
Offenders recognize the factors that
contributed to the abuse, and take steps to reduce the influence of
these factors in their lives (Bernie, Mailloux, David & Cote, 1996).
The 14 week program consists of 28
psychotherapy group meetings, 13 sex education work shops and 10
individual interviews that encourage participants to support each
other, to seek out community support and to incorporate their victims
and families back into their lives. The success of the VISA program
has been exceptionally promising. As of 1996, 130 offenders had
participated in the VISA program, and only two had been reconvicted
for a further sexual offence. Clearly, as an evaluation of the program
notes, "[t]he VISA Program has, therefore, demonstrated not only that
it is possible to treat incest in a context of respect for abusers,
their victims and their families, but also suggests that it may be
more effective to treat the man/father than the deviant" (Bernie et.
al., 1996).
However, one recent study challenges
traditional thinking about incest child molester treatment, and
questions the validity of the distinction made between incest child
molesters and non-incest child molesters (Studer, Clelland, Aylwin,
Reddon & Monro, 2000). First, the study suggests that sexual
recidivism rates among incest child molesters are actually higher than
most statistics report. This is because during treatment, several
offenders admitted to having committed sexual offences on additional
incestuous victims that did not result in a sexual offence conviction.
Of the total sample of 150 incest child molesters, 7.3% had a previous
sexual incestuous conviction, and an additional 15.3% had admitted to
committing sexual offences on additional incestuous victims that did
not result in a conviction (p. 18). In sum, 22% of incest child
molesters in the sample sexually recidivated; a rate of almost three
times higher than Hanson (2001) found (8.4%).
Second, the study reveals another issue that
has often been ignored by previous research. Because most research
studies separate sex offenders based on their first convictions, past
sexual offences that did not result in a conviction have often not
been taken into consideration. Studer et. al. (2000) reported that
58.7% of the sex offenders classified as incest child molesters had
reported other non-incestuous victims. In fact, only 33% of the incest
child molesters and 18.5% of the non-incest child molesters reported
that they had only victimized the individuals that lead to the current
conviction and had not victimized any other individuals. Therefore,
the notion that sex offenders can be classified into distinctly
different groups based on their first convictions is open to scrutiny.
The distinction drawn between incest and non-incest child molesters is
brought further into disrepute when erotic preferences of child
molesters are examined. In one research study, first offence
convictions were used to separate 103 incest child molesters from 114
non-incest child molesters, so that their erotic preferences could be
compared (Studer, Aylwin, Clelland, Reddon & Frenzel, in press).
Erotic preferences were then examined by having offenders undergo
phallometric testing while being exposed to visual stimuli (mostly
slides) of people who differed in age, gender and body type. The test
results were used to determine the two groups' erotic preference for
four categories of people, namely: 1) prepubescent children; 2)
pubescent partners; 3) adult partners; and 4) women of all ages.
When a comparison of erotic preferences of
incest to non-incest child molesters was made, only two statistically
significant differences were found. The non-incest child molesters
were significantly more likely to prefer prepubescent children as
partners than were their incest offender counterparts. Specifically,
29.8% of the non-incest child molester group preferred prepubescent
partners, while only 12.6% of the incest child molester group did so
(p< .01, two tailed). Not surprisingly, it was found that incest child
molesters were significantly more likely to prefer adult partners
(36.9%) while only 19.3% of non-incest child molesters did so (p< .01,
two tailed). However, preferences for pubescent partners and women of
all ages were not significantly different between the two groups of
sex offenders.
The researchers concluded that "erotic
preference testing, although somewhat informative, could not
distinguish with certainty incestuous from nonincestuous child
molesters" (Studer et. al., in press). In fact, when both groups of
sex offenders were combined, the majority had pubescent preferences or
a preference for all ages of women, the two categories that were not
significantly different from each other. Thus, the majority of sex
offenders in the study were indistinguishable as either incest or
non-incest child molesters, according to their erotic preferences.
From the evidence cited above, classifying sex
offenders and recommending minimal interventions may be a questionable
practice. Many factors, such as officially unrecorded sexual offences
and the indistinguishability of erotic preferences of most sex
offenders from each other, must be taken into account before minimal
interventions may be carried out most effectively.
Rapists
According to Hanson's study (2001), rapists were the second most
likely group of sex offenders to sexually recidivate, at a rate of
17.1%. Most research done on rapists indicates that they are a
distinct group of offenders who are distinguishable from child
molesters. For instance, rapists tend to be younger than child
molesters, each having average ages of 32.1 and 38, respectively
(Hanson, 2001). More importantly, a meta-analysis of sex offender
treatment programs found that rapists were more likely to recidivate
non-sexually than were child molesters (Hanson & Bussiere, 1996). In
fact, it has been noted that "rapists share more characteristics with
the general criminal population than do child molesters."
Characteristics that identify general criminals, such as prior
criminal records and antisocial personality, are similar to
characteristics that identify rapists. Furthermore, research has found
that rapists are more likely than are child molesters to breach their
conditional release. In one sample of 132 subjects who were
conditionally released, 40.7% of rapists breached, while only 25% of
child molesters did so (Barbaree, Seto & Maric, 1996).
Since rapists engage in a variety of criminal
behaviors and have high recidivism rates, they are difficult to
rehabilitate effectively. However, there is hope for treating rapists.
In a research study examining treatment effects on 74 rapists,
treatment completing rapists were compared to treatment non-completing
rapists. It was found that treated rapists recidivated sexually at a
substantially lower rate than did their non-completing counterparts.
Although the difference was not statistically significant, only 16.6%
of treatment completers sexually recidivated, while 28.9% of treatment
non-completers did so (Clelland, Studer, Reddon, 1998). The 14.3%
decrease in sexual recidivism for treated rapists suggests that
treating rapists successfully is possible, and difficulties in
treatment can be overcome.
To successfully treat rapists, research
suggests that adequate treatment must address general crime issues, as
well as sexual crime issues, to ensure that the offenders do not
reoffend. Promising sex offender treatment research suggests that
effective treatment for rapists focuses on changing deviant sexual
behavior, and incorporates Cognitive Skills Training in treatment
programs (Robinson, 1995; Quinsey, Lalumiere, Rice & Harris, 1995).
It must be remembered that only factors that
can be changed should be the focus of treatment, not only for rapists,
but for all offenders who require treatment. Factors such as prior
criminal record or family background are related to sexual offending,
but are not changeable and, therefore, should not be the focus of
treatment. However, sexually deviant behaviors are changeable. One
study on sex offender recidivism found that laboratory assessed
deviant sexual behaviors were the only changeable factor related to
recidivism for sex offenders (Quinsey et. al., 1995). Deviant sexual
behavior was defined as use of prostitutes, deviant sexual preference
(for example, a preference for young boys), frequent masturbation, and
so on. When such behaviors are performed by sex offenders, chances of
their reoffending increase. Therefore, treatment that reduces these
deviant behaviors of sex offenders may help to reduce recidivism.
Current effective methods used to decrease deviant behaviors come from
a cognitive/behavioral conditioning approach, and include shaming,
covert sensitization, masturbatory conditioning, and many other forms
of behavioral conditioning.
Also, Cognitive Skills Training programs have
been known to reduce reconvictions among sex offenders. In a research
study conducted by Correctional Service of Canada, sex offenders were
the most successful type of offender in reducing recidivism rates by
completing Cognitive Skills Training. The Correctional Service of
Canada study examined 3,531offenders from the correctional population
who participated in Cognitive Skills Training, and 541 offenders who
met the criteria to be included in the program were placed on a
waiting list to be used as a control group. There was a 57.8%
reduction in any form of reconviction, and a 39.1% reduction in
readmission to a correctional facility for sex offenders who completed
the Cognitive Skills Training program when compared to the control
group. Although the study expresses doubt about such impressive
results being observed in further studies, the data do suggest that
sex offenders would greatly benefit from Cognitive Skills Training
(Robinson, 1995).
Non-incest Child Molesters
Of the three groups of sex offenders classified by Hanson (2001), the
highest rate of sexual recidivism (19.5%) was recorded for non-incest
child molesters. These offenders are at significant risk of
reoffending throughout their lives (Hanson, Steffy & Gauthier, 1992).
A research study that illustrates this point examined the long term
recidivism of child molesters. In the study, these offenders were
classified into three groups: a treated group; control group one; and
control group two. Both control groups were used to control for cohort
effects. A total of 197 child molesters, a majority of them being
non-incest child molesters, released from Canadian correctional
facilities between 1958 and 1974 were tracked over an extensive period
of time (31 years for control group one offenders). Results showed
that 42% of the total sample was reconvicted for a sexual and/or
violent offence. The long term risk of recidivism for non-incest child
molesters is based on the fact that 10% of the total sample was
reconvicted between 10 and 31 years after release.
The study divided child molesters into three
separate types of offenders, based on the type of individual who was
victimized. Child molesters were classified as either incest child
molesters, heterosexual pedophiles (non-incest child molesters) or
homosexual pedophiles (non-incest child molesters). Concurrent with
most research, the incest child molesters were reconvicted at the
lowest rate. Homosexual pedophiles were reconvicted at the highest
rate, and heterosexual pedophiles were reconvicted at an intermediate
rate between the other two groups.
Again, these results suggest that special
attention should be paid to non-incest child molesters. In particular,
non-incest child molesters who victimize boys must be given extensive
treatment and require long term supervision, since much of the
research has found that offenders (whether male offenders or female
offenders) with boy victims are the most likely to recidivate (Hanson
et. al, 1992; Hanson & Bussiere, 1996). In fact, one research study
has revealed that one of the highest recidivism rates among sex
offenders was for those with previous sexual offences, who victimized
boys from outside the family, and were never married. These sex
offenders recidivated at a rate of 77% (Hanson, 1996).
Fortunately, sex offender treatment for
non-incest child molesters does suggest promising results, if a long
term commitment to treating them is maintained. It is important for
child molesters to have support throughout their lives, and view their
condition not as a curable disease, but rather as an undesirable
outcome that can be prevented. As a long term recidivism study on
child molesters states:
"Sexual offender recidivism is most
likely to be prevented when interventions attempt to address the
life long potential for reoffenses and do not expect child molesters
to be permanently "cured" following a single set of treatment
sessions" (Hanson, Steffy & Gauthier, 1993, p. 651).
Thus, most research suggests that intensive,
long term treatment programs are essential to the rehabilitation of
non-incest child molesters. Again, Cognitive Skills Training and
behavioral reconditioning of deviant sexual behaviors must be part of
the program, because of their proven success in treating all types of
sex offenders.
Finally, most research further suggests that
one essential component of sex offender treatment that should be part
of any program aimed at sex offenders is relapse prevention. Since
relapse prevention is inherently a part of any cognitive/behavioral
intervention, it is a part of most Canadian sexual treatment programs.
Relapse prevention teaches offenders to recognize risky situations
where they may be more likely to reoffend. Then, coping, avoidance and
escape strategies that deal with the situation appropriately are
formulated for each individual offender (Blanchette, 1996). This
technique is highly individualized and tailored to an offender's
specific circumstances, and it further promotes self management
skills.
THE PHOENIX PROGRAM: ALBERTA
To properly examine sex offender treatment programs, not only should
the academic research be considered, but the practical application of
sex offender treatment programs must also be taken into account. Sex
offender treatment programs do not only employ empirically tested
treatment methods that have been proven to reduce recidivism, but also
incorporate many other rehabilitative components, such as life skills
training, recreation, anger management, Alcoholics Anonymous meetings,
psychotherapy and many more. This comprehensive approach to dealing
with sex offenders focuses on treating the whole person, rather than
just the criminal offender. Offenders are treated having regard to
their own individual situations, and clinicians believe that it is a
combination of several therapies in a treatment environment that
produce the most desirable results.
The Phoenix Program, a treatment program
located in Edmonton run by the Alberta Mental Health Board, is a
perfect example of such a comprehensive treatment philosophy. It is a
19 bed minimum to medium security unit that features private bedrooms,
visiting areas, laundry facilities, kitchenettes, a dining area,
chapel, canteen, barbershop, open aired courtyard, swimming pool and a
gymnasium. The Phoenix Program mainly treats convicted sex offenders
who volunteer for treatment from the federal and provincial
correctional systems; very few of the program participants are
referred to the program directly from the community (for other
admission requirements, see Studer & Reddon, 1998). Offenders are
required to stay for a minimum of six months, but they progress
through treatment at varying rates, with the average stay being 10
months. Although the program has numerous amenities, intensive
treatment and a strict schedule are the main elements of the program.
Offenders are required to attend 32-35 hours of therapy per week. The
therapy is delivered in many forms, including: psychotherapy, victim
empathy, cognitive restructuring, anger management, human sexuality,
recreation, substance abuse, relapse prevention, life planning, goal
attainment and more (for more information, see Studer, Reddon, Roper &
Estrada, 1996). Psychotropic medication used to decrease the sex drive
of offenders is rarely used in the program, and anti-androgens have
only been used with a small proportion of program participants.
Treatment is delivered throughout three phases
of the program. The first phase is an intensive, six to 12 month
treatment schedule, focusing on treatment forms discussed above that
is delivered entirely within the program facility. The second phase
spans a period of four to eight months of daily, four hours per
evening treatments delivered while the offender is in the community.
Finally, the third phase consists of a weekly follow up group that can
be accessed over the long term (Studer & Reddon, 1998). Offenders have
somewhat of a life time membership in the program, and are offered
continuing support from Phoenix Program staff after release. Since the
program is voluntary and offenders are not required to fully attend
all three phases, a continuum of supervision is offered that provides
individualized supervision programs tailored to the individual needs
of participants.
The Phoenix Program has been recognized as one
of the most effective sex offender treatment programs in much of the
academic research (Aylwin, Clelland, Kirkby, Reddon, Studer &
Johnston, 2000; Alwin et. al., in press; Clelland et. al., 1998;
Studer et. al., 1996; Studer & Reddon, 1998; Studer et. al., 2000;
Studer et. al., in press). It has gained international recognition as
a reputable sex offender treatment program, having presented research
findings in many European countries. The Phoenix Program is at the
forefront of sex offender treatment, and has reported sexual
recidivism rates as low as 3.3% for 120 treatment completing
offenders, over an average follow up period of 38.8 months (Studer et.
al., 1996). This remarkably low sexual recidivism rate has afforded
the program a great deal of respect in the treatment arena.
Furthermore, more recent research produced by
the Phoenix Program has demonstrated that successful treatment changes
the risk that sex offenders pose in a community setting, if released
from a correctional institution. It is a common belief in the criminal
justice system that the best predictor of future offences is the
number of the offender's past offences. However, after successful
treatment at the Phoenix Program, even for offenders with several past
offences, prior sexual offences were not significantly related to
sexual recidivism. On the other hand, unsuccessful completion of
treatment did produce a significant correlation between prior sexual
offence convictions and sexual recidivism (Studer & Reddon, 1998).
Thus, the predictive value of prior sexual offence convictions for
future reconvictions seems to change at some point during treatment
completion; specifically, its predictive value declines. Results
suggest that a re-evaluation of the release criteria for treated sex
offenders is necessary, and that current criteria are not suitable for
treatment completers. More importantly, this research, as is much of
the research done by the Phoenix Program, is supportive of treatment
interventions for sex offenders.
From personal communications with staff at the
Phoenix Program, it is apparent that the staff are committed to a
comprehensive treatment philosophy. They make a point of not
highlighting any specific treatment that could be singled out as being
superior to another type of treatment offered at the facility.
Instead, emphasis is placed on the interaction of all of the
treatments, in combination with a suitable environment and capable
staff. Also, it has been mentioned that offenders are, to some degree,
handled on an individual basis that is in accordance with the specific
needs and situations of the offender. Furthermore, staff strongly
caution against attempting to pin point specific sex offender
treatment therapies that will act as the solution to the sex offender
recidivism problem. Staff believe that an evaluation in isolation of
the program environment, staff, and individual offender issues does
not take into account the whole picture of all relevant factors that
must be addressed.
COUNTERPOINT HOUSE: EDMONTON
Another local program that shares the same comprehensive philosophy as
the Phoenix Program is Counterpoint House, a treatment program that
focuses on adolescent sex offenders. Although Counterpoint House is
run independently from the Phoenix Program, it is also operated by the
Alberta Mental Health Board. Counterpoint House is an eight bed
community based residential facility, similar to a group home. Having
served over 100 adolescent sex offenders between the ages of 13 and 18
since its inception in 1986, Counterpoint House has been constantly
evolving to become one of the most effective adolescent sex offender
treatment programs available. The program's main goals include:
reducing adolescent sex offender recidivism, promoting mental health
and facilitating reintegration of offenders back into the community.
While residing at Counterpoint House, offenders are expected to
participate in a day program, usually school, part time or full time
work, and attend four community recreation outings per week (for more
information on Counterpoint House, see Aylwin et. al., 2000, and
Aylwin et. al., in press).
The intensive therapy schedule that has been
observed in the examination of the Phoenix Program is also a major
element of the Counterpoint House Program. Again, a minimum stay of
six months is required for offenders. The focus of therapy provided at
Counterpoint House can be categorized into three main forms:
cognitive/behavioral therapy, psychotherapy and skills therapy.
Although the majority of the adolescents' day is occupied by school,
work, chores and other activities, Counterpoint House does manage to
provide a multitude of therapy programs for adolescent sex offenders.
Cognitive/Behavioral Therapy
A weekly cognitive/behavioral group therapy session is offered to
allow offenders to deal with their offence patterns, in order to
prevent further offences. The session is based on the premise that
sexual offending is fantasy driven behavior and, as such, offenders
are required to record and discuss their sexual fantasies. The
offenders record data in fantasy logs detailing the number and content
of their sexual fantasies. The number of fantasies that the youths
were able to stop, masturbatory frequency and the frequency and
effectiveness of prevention strategies are also recorded in the
fantasy journal. Then, information given by the offender is analyzed,
in order to uncover and appropriately deal with cognitive distortions
that permit and reinforce deviant fantasies. Deviant fantasies are
discouraged, and appropriate sexual fantasies are encouraged. At
Counterpoint House, deviant sexual fantasies are defined as including
any of the following criteria:
-
no consent from the partner (coercion,
sadism, noncompliance)
-
age inappropriate (three years older or
younger than the offender)
-
fantasy object was past victim
-
the fantasy would in some way be detrimental
if the fantasy were carried out
-
sexual fantasies about staff members are
also discouraged
Conversely, appropriate sexual fantasies
include:
-
consent to sexual contact
-
age appropriate
-
non-related to the offender
-
never been victimized by the offender
Covert sensitization, a treatment technique
that teaches offenders how to imagine social consequences or
incorporate unpleasant or aversive thoughts into their deviant
fantasies (e.g., the offender's mother looking over his/her shoulder
while in the act of deviant activity), is used to control deviant
sexual fantasies. Finally, the number of deviant and normal fantasies
are graphed by the offender, and dates of significant therapeutic
disclosures or events are recorded.
Recently, Counterpoint House staff presented a
research study that examined the short and long term outcomes of the
cognitive/behavioral group therapy sessions. The study included
exclusively adolescent males serving a custodial sentence under the
Young Offenders Act (1985), who participated in treatment for between
one and 13 months (Ledi, 2002a). Fantasy log information of offenders
was compiled to produce graphs similar to those formulated by the
offenders. Short term outcomes were evaluated by examining the first
12 weeks of therapy results, and long term outcomes were evaluated by
examining therapy results over 13 months of treatment. Five different
aspects of the fantasy logs were plotted on a graph based on the
reported frequency of normal fantasies, deviant fantasies, stopped
deviant fantasies, normal masturbation and deviant masturbation.
For the short term analysis, the average
number of weekly self reported fantasies were graphed over the first
12 weeks of treatment. Initially, reported deviant fantasies were
relatively low and only minimally outnumbered normal fantasies. Staff
contend that this phenomenon is due to the fact that offenders tend to
under report fantasies in the early stages of therapy, because of a
lack of trust in the therapeutic process. However, the graph shows a
sharp and steady increase in the number of reported deviant sexual
fantasies over the 12 week period. Although the average number of
reported deviant fantasies was initially about 50 for the first week,
numbers for the latter weeks in the short term analysis were much
closer to 100, ranging from 84 to 143 per week. Reported normal
fantasies also showed an increase, but not to such a great extent.
Over the short term, a notable difference was established between the
normal and deviant fantasies, with deviant fantasies largely
outnumbering normal fantasies by the end of the 12 weeks. These
results suggest that, without treatment, sex offenders tend to under
report the number of deviant sexual fantasies they have, and over
emphasize the degree to which their fantasies are normal.
Although the frequency of normal masturbation
remained relatively constant over the course of the 12 weeks, success
in treatment, even over the short term, was noticed when the frequency
of deviant masturbation and number of stopped deviant sexual fantasies
were examined. Masturbation to deviant fantasies reached a high of 11
in the second week of treatment, and steadily declined to reach a low
of two in the 12th week. Not surprisingly, the number of stopped
deviant sexual fantasies steadily increased over the 12 week period.
Therefore, treatment was successful in stopping deviant fantasies, and
lessened the number of times an offender successfully masturbated to a
deviant fantasy. As mentioned above, it is believed that deviant
sexual fantasies lead to sexual offending. Thus, it follows that
reducing deviant sexual fantasies will reduce sexual offending and,
thereby, reduce sexual recidivism.
In the long term analysis, the average monthly
self reported numbers were graphed at intervals over 13 months, and
illustrated more promising results in reducing deviant sexual
fantasies than did the short term analysis. The most notable success
can be observed by examining the number of reported deviant fantasies
that occurred over the time period. Although the first five months
showed a steady and drastic increase in the number of reported deviant
sexual fantasies, the last eight months showed a gradual decline,
suggesting that deviant fantasies are declining over the course of
treatment. Additionally, both the number of stopped deviant fantasies
and normal fantasies showed a gradual increase over the long term.
Finally, although normal masturbation remained relatively constant
over the 13 months, deviant masturbation showed a steady decrease from
the beginning toward the end of treatment. In fact, the frequency of
deviant masturbation initially outnumbered normal masturbation, but by
the end of the 13 months, the frequency of normal masturbation
outnumbered deviant masturbation.
Unfortunately, by the end of the 13 months,
deviant fantasies still outnumbered normal fantasies, although the
study noted that "residents appeared to be making successful efforts
to interrupt and stop deviant fantasies" (Ledi, 2002a). If the premise
that sexual offending is based on deviant sexual fantasies is true,
then the effort to stop deviant fantasies will, hopefully, translate
into a reduction in sexual offending behavior. In this way, treatment
may be able to reduce sexual recidivism, as participation in the
Counterpoint House has proven to do, and treatment would be
successful.
Psychotherapy
The second type of treatment provided at Counterpoint House is
psychotherapy, which is also offered in a group counseling setting
once a week. This spontaneous, non-agenda driven group is based on the
idea that sex offenders live secret lives, and are often victims of
sexual abuse themselves. For example, Aylwin et. al. (in press) found
that among 103 adolescent child molesters, 77.9% were sexually abused
at some point in their lives. The Counterpoint House Program
acknowledges this correlation and attempts to address issues
surrounding sexual abuse while treating adolescent sex offenders. The
theme of the psychotherapy group is "getting out the secrets," and
success in the group is measured by an offender's participation,
personal disclosure, ability to discuss sexual offending issues
knowledgeably and ability to provide insight into personal and other
group member issues. It has been noted by Counterpoint House staff
that the psychotherapy group is where offenders in the program learn
to trust and feel support, often for the first time. From this sense
of trust and support, offenders are able to disclose relevant issues
about themselves, and help treatment efforts progress with more ease.
Furthermore, issues brought up in the psychotherapy group are followed
up in individual counseling sessions that are carried out on an
ongoing basis by most staff members involved in the Counterpoint House
Program. Also, issues raised in individual counseling sessions are
often later disclosed in the group sessions, so that the offender can
gain the benefit of his peers' insights into the issues and obtain
necessary support.
Skills Therapy
Skills therapy is divided into three eight week sections that include:
anger management, relapse prevention and psychosexual education. The
anger management component assumes that sex offenders have anger
management difficulties, and that sexual offences are one of the
manifestations of this misplaced anger. Counterpoint House staff have
developed their own program for addressing anger management of
adolescent sex offenders, that encompasses 13 sessions where offenders
learn about various anger management issues. Triggers, reactions and
consequences of expressions of anger are explored, as well as the
presentation of various models of anger. Additionally, cognitive
distortions surrounding destructive expressions of anger are
identified, and attempts are made to eliminate such distortions.
Finally, in the latter sessions, a distinction is made between
aggressive and assertive behavior. The main goal of anger management
therapy is to replace destructive expressions of anger with
appropriate methods of communicating.
Methods used in the delivery of the relapse
prevention component of skills treatment are drawn primarily from the
work of Charlene Steen, and a relapse prevention workbook written by
Steen (1993) supplements the therapy. Relapse prevention at
Counterpoint House attempts to help offenders identify and
appropriately address high risk factors and scenarios that promote
their own sexual offending, so that the offenders will learn to avoid
reoffending. Steen's 160 page workbook includes 12 chapters that
discuss different relapse prevention issues associated with sexual
offending, such as empathy, urge control and cognitive restructuring.
Furthermore, 58 writing exercises allow offenders to apply learned
knowledge about relapse prevention.
Finally, the psychoeducational component
provides offenders with the opportunity to learn about sexual
offending issues. For instance, offenders learn about the effects of
victimization, sex offender treatment, the law, offender and victim
characteristics, and statistics of abuse and victimization. Again,
cognitive distortions are identified, and offenders learn to recognize
and discuss their own general sexual offending issues knowledgeably.
Along with the various forms of treatment
offered at Counterpoint House, a psychiatrist visits each offender
weekly to assess mental health and therapeutic progress. Psychotrophic
medications are rarely prescribed by the psychiatrist, and
anti-androgens are even less likely to be used at Counterpoint House.
Additionally, the psychiatrist does advise staff on treatment issues,
and is available on a 24 hour on call basis.
Counterpoint House offers an intensive therapy
program within the time constraints of adolescent offenders'
schedules. There is preliminary research available that shows that
Counterpoint House is successful at reducing recidivism. Recently,
Counterpoint House staff have presented research on the recidivism
rates of offenders who completed the Counterpoint House Program and of
those who did not (Ledi, 2002b). In the study, an offender was
considered to have recidivated if they received any further
convictions or charges. A total of 76 program completers and 37
non-completers were followed up for an average of 53 months (ranging
from six to 120 months). The results showed that 7.9% of program
completers and 18.9% of non-completers were charged for a further
sexual offence. Even better results were observed when sexual
convictions were examined. Only 3.9% of Counterpoint House treatment
completers were convicted for a further sexual offence after release,
compared to 10.8% of treatment non-completers. The percent of charges
and convictions among program completers is notably lower than the
percent of charges and convictions among program non-completers, and
this finding suggests that the treatment offered at Counterpoint House
does, in fact, reduce recidivism of sex offenders.
Staff at Counterpoint House also warn against
the singling out of any one aspect of the program that works best at
treating adolescent sex offenders. Rather, staff believe that it is
their comprehensive approach to treating sex offenders that is the
reason that the program works so well. Again, the interaction between
the staff, the clients, the environment and the treatment therapies is
emphasized as the driving force that allows the program to succeed.
Furthermore, general life skills (which are
not officially regarded as part of the treatment program) that are
learned by offenders who reside at Counterpoint House are believed by
staff to enhance treatment success. For example, each offender
prepares a meal once a week, and is responsible for their own laundry
and cleaning up after themselves. These skills can be used throughout
offenders' entire lives and promote their own personal productivity.
Likewise, actions carried out by staff supplement sex offender
treatment by way of positive role modeling for the youth. Researchers
who take into consideration all the factors above describe
Counterpoint House as "a non-threatening environment where residents
can begin to adopt anti-offending attitudes and behaviors" (Aylwin et.
al., 2000, p.116). Since Bremer (1992) has noted that a caring
environment where offenders are treated well is an important factor in
effective adolescent sex offender treatment, it is evident that the
treatment offered cannot be separated from the environment at
Counterpoint House, and it is the comprehensive philosophy towards
treatment that Counterpoint House staff emphasize that is the
underlying reason for the program's success.
DISCUSSION
Sex offender treatment can be successful in reducing the recidivism of
sex offenders if the following steps are taken when approaching the
idea of treating sex offenders. First, sex offenders must be properly
categorized as a certain type of sex offender, while taking into
account all the relevant factors that effect this categorization, such
as unofficially recorded sexual offences and erotic preferences for
certain types of victims. Only through the proper categorization of
sex offenders can treatment be the most effective. The three types of
offenders discussed in the research are incest child molesters,
rapists, and non-incest child molesters.
Second, once sex offenders are properly
categorized as one of these types, the following treatment methods
must be used. Incest child molesters require minimally intrusive forms
of treatment that focus on reintegrating the sex offender with their
community, family and victim. The VISA Program has shown that success
can be achieved when this method is used. As for rapists, more
intensive treatment programs like Cognitive Skills Training and
conditioning of deviant sexual behaviors are needed to produce
successful results in reducing recidivism. Also, these treatments for
rapists must be accompanied by treatments that reduce general criminal
offending, since rapists tend to perform more general types of crime
than other sex offenders. Finally, non-incest child molesters require
the most intensive treatment in order to reduce their recidivism
rates. Treatment programs must focus on sexual offending issues,
Cognitive Skills Training and the conditioning of deviant sexual
behaviors. Furthermore, long term follow up treatment should be used
with non-incest child molesters, since they have been found to be at
risk for reoffending throughout their entire lifetimes.
Once it is determined which type of treatment
is required, it is imperative to offer the treatment in an appropriate
environment. As the examination of the Phoenix Program and
Counterpoint House Program illustrate, adequate facilities, competent
staff and proper activities for the sex offenders to engage in can go
a long way in reducing sex offender recidivism rates. Thus, it is the
use of appropriate treatments that focus on sex offenders' specific
needs, delivered in an appropriate environment that will lead to the
optimal reduction in recidivism among sex offenders.
Relapse prevention should also be an essential
component of all sex offender treatment programs, because it has
proven to be a significant factor that facilitates the reduction of
sex offender recidivism. As well, long term follow up of all offenders
is an important factor that is conducive to successful sex offender
treatment, especially for non-incest child molesters who have
demonstrated a risk to reoffend throughout their entire lifetimes. By
following these steps, sex offender treatment will prove to be even
more successful in the future.
What does remain clear and is emphasized and
supported in this paper, is that sex offender treatment does work and
can be carried out successfully. Programs such as the Phoenix Program
and Counterpoint House demonstrate precisely this point. Thus, if
anything can be said with certainty about sex offender treatment
programs, it is that they must continue to have a strong presence in
the criminal justice system, so that we reduce victimization and make
communities safer. Therefore, John Howard Society of Alberta believes
that such treatment programs should be offered routinely, as an
effective, just and humane response to the causes and consequences of
crime.
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Research & Publications
John Howard Society of Alberta - Resource Papers - Sex Offender
Treatment Programs (2002)
http://www.johnhoward.ab.ca/PUB/respaper/treatm02.htm#discuss
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